Visualizzazione post con etichetta German. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta German. Mostra tutti i post

Et voilà pourquoi l’allemand met le verbe à la fin

C’est dans la syntaxe que se joue le choc, jubilatoire, des univers mentaux. La démonstration de Heinz Wismann, philosophe allemand à Paris, auteur de «Penser entre les langues». Dans un français parfait.

Le Temps: Dans votre dernier livre* «Penser entre les langues», vous écrivez, à propos du «Hochdeutsch»: «Cette langue qui, pour être parlée, suppose que les locuteurs soient libérés de la contingence des affects.» C’est exactement l’argument avancé par les Alémaniques pour défendre leur emploi du dialecte. Les Allemands parlent-ils donc aussi le dialecte en famille?
Heinz Wismann: Par Hochdeutsch, on désigne la langue allemande codifiée, imposant le respect strict de ses règles syntaxiques. Et j’observe qu’à partir du moment où, entre deux locuteurs, l’affect s’en mêle, où la tonalité de l’échange devient plus familière, la syntaxe est malmenée. Mais cela ne veut pas dire que tous les Allemands parlent en famille un dialecte comme en Suisse. De fait, la plupart du temps, ils parlent une langue intermédiaire, volontiers teintée d’inflexions dialectales mais, surtout, syntaxiquement en rupture avec le carcan du pur Hochdeutsch, qui est terriblement contraignant.
– Pourquoi l’est-il?
– Le français place le déterminant après le déterminé: «Une tasse à café». En allemand, c’est l’inverse: Eine Kaffeetasse. Si vous appliquez ce principe à la structure de la phrase, vous obtenez une accumulation d’éléments chargés de déterminer quelque chose qui n’est formulé que plus tard. De la part du locuteur, cela demande une discipline de fer. C’est pourquoi les présentateurs des informations télévisées lisent en général leur texte: il est malaisé d’improviser correctement en Hochdeutsch. Par ailleurs, cette structure syntaxique limite la spontanéité de l’échange car elle oblige l’interlocuteur à attendre la fin de la phrase pour savoir de quoi il est question. D’où les remarques critiques de Madame de Staël sur l’impossibilité d’avoir une conversation en allemand…
– … parce qu’on ne peut pas interrompre un Allemand qui parle. Est-ce cela, le propre de la conversation: interrompre son vis-à-vis?
– Aux oreilles d’un Allemand, les Français sont des gens qui parlent tous en même temps. Mais s’ils peuvent se permettre de s’interrompre, c’est parce qu’ils évoluent dans une structure syntaxique où l’essentiel est posé d’emblée et l’accessoire suit. Ainsi, le «gazouillis» des salons français vanté par Madame de Staël consiste à emboîter le pas à celui qui parle comme on relance un ballon, à faire circuler la parole dans un esprit de connivence.
– Mais d’où vient la rigidité de l’allemand? Est-ce du fait que, contrairement à la plupart des idiomes européens devenus langues nationales, le «Hochdeutsch» n’était pas, à l’origine, une langue parlée?
– L’histoire du Hochdeutsch est compliquée. Elle puise son origine dans la traduction des Evangiles par Luther. On a bien affaire à la grammaticalisation d’un dialecte, mais à l’aide du grec ancien. On peut dire, pour faire court, qu’avant d’être adopté comme langue nationale, le Hochdeutsch a été une langue littéraire, puis administrative, mais pas vraiment parlée.
– Chaque langue, écrivez-vous, véhicule un rapport particulier au réel. Et l’instrument privilégié de ce «vouloir dire», c’est la syntaxe. Que «veut dire» cette bizarrerie allemande qui consiste à placer le verbe à la fin de la phrase?
– Elle dit que le verbe est essentiel. Elle indique que l’action verbale, élément ultime de la chaîne des déterminations successives, porte l’ensemble de l’énoncé. Par contraste, la phrase latine est conçue à partir du sujet, sur lequel s’appuie le reste de l’énoncé. Il y a un rapport d’équivalence avec l’attribut, qui s’accorde en genre et en nombre: «La femme est grande.» Entre les deux, l’«auxiliaire» joue un rôle subalterne de copule. En allemand, le verbe est beaucoup plus puissant. On dit «La femme est grand», ce qui suppose quelque chose comme un verbe «grand être» où ce qui en français est attribut revêt une fonction adverbiale. On retrouve cette différence fondamentale dans la notion même de «réalité»: la «res» latine est une entité nettement circonscrite, distincte, à la limite immobile. La Wirklichkeit provient du verbe wirken, agir. Elle correspond à une réalité essentiellement dynamique. Certes, on peut aussi dire Realität en allemand, mais seulement pour constater un état de fait, le plus souvent assorti d’une nuance de regret: les rides qui se creusent sur mon front sont une Realität, pas une Wirklichkeit. On a affaire à deux univers mentaux, qui mettent l’accent l’un sur le mouvement, l’autre sur la localisation.
– Mais la langue ne crée pas ex nihilo notre rapport au réel: d’où vient cette différence?
– Schématiquement, on peut dire que le principe de spatialisation est central dans les régions où le soleil est mâle et la vue dégagée. C’est le cas des pays latins. En Allemagne, au nord en général, la brume voile la perception visuelle. Dans la forêt profonde surtout, c’est l’ouïe qui domine. L’oreille guette les bruits, qui évoluent d’un instant à l’autre.
– Toutes les langues du nord ne mettent pas le verbe à la fin…
– Disons que l’allemand est la langue qui a poussé à l’extrême son propre principe de cohérence. Prenez l’horizon métaphorique du mot «appartenance»: en français, il évoque un appartement. En allemand Zugehörichkeit contient le verbe hören, entendre: on appartient à un groupe si l’on est capable d’entendre son appel. Le rapport au réel passe par l’ouïe. C’est pourquoi la musique constitue l’une des contributions principales des germanophones à la culture universelle. Avec la philosophie spéculative, qui est son corollaire. La «logique» hégélienne peut en effet être lue comme l’équivalent d’une phrase allemande ininterrompue alignant tous les éléments possibles du verbe «être». On retrouve le même souci d’exhaustivité dans le traitement du thème musical (Durchführung) de la sonate clas­sique.
– Les Allemands seraient plus portés sur l’action que les Français?
– Ils ont vraiment, je crois, une plus grande capacité à se projeter vers l’ailleurs. On le voit sur la scène économique mondiale, où ils sont très présents. Pourquoi les industriels français sont-ils si faibles à l’exportation? Ils sont trop bien dans l’«Hexagone», cet espace parfait!
– Vous dites également du français que c’est une langue «allusive» et «compactée». En cela, elle est donc sœur jumelle de l’anglais, qui devrait pourtant être plus proche de l’allemand…
– L’anglais a en commun avec le français d’avoir été façonné par l’usage de cour. D’où son caractère idiomatique: lorsqu’on demande pourquoi, en anglais, telle chose se dit de telle manière, on vous répond «parce que c’est comme ça». Il n’y a pas de règle, il faut maîtriser la convention, laquelle change selon le milieu où se reflète la hiérarchie sociale. Le français, à un degré moindre, a ce même caractère idiomatique, l’allemand pas du tout: socialement, c’est une langue nettement plus égalitaire.
– Mais pourquoi dites-vous que le français est «compacté»?
– Le propre du courtisan, c’est de parler des choses «à bon entendeur». La grande prouesse de La Princesse de Clèves consiste à évoquer une passion amoureuse sans jamais la désigner explicitement. La conséquence de cette culture du demi-mot est que, de Montaigne à Madame de La Fayette, des dizaines de milliers de vocables ont été abandonnés. Racine écrit ses tragédies avec mille cinq cents mots. «Ardeur» lui sert à désigner une foule de choses différentes, de l’amour à la haine en passant par le courage au combat. C’est ce qui fait dire à certains que le français est la langue européenne la plus proche du chinois.
– Quand on colle aux choses, on ne voit rien, seule la distance rend lucide, écrivez-vous: être bilingue, ça rend intelligent?
– Chaque langue portant en elle un reflet du réel, quand je décolle de la mienne pour aller vers une autre, j’enrichis ma capacité à percevoir de la réalité. Je me donne une chance de développer une intelligence réflexive, c’est-à-dire d’aller voir ailleurs et de revenir enrichi de ce que j’ai compris en m’écartant de moi. J’oppose cette attitude au syndrome identitaire, qui est la forme la plus stupide de l’affirmation de soi: on est fier de n’être que ce que l’on est. C’est très appauvrissant.
– Mais rassurant, car pour prendre de la distance, il ne faut pas avoir peur de tomber…
– Bien sûr que c’est rassurant, et les populismes de toutes espèces exploitent aujourd’hui honteusement cette tendance naturelle à vouloir rester entre soi. S’éloigner est toujours «une petite douleur», comme dit Hegel dans ses récits pédagogiques. Mais il insiste sur les gratifications bien plus grandes, à la fois intellectuelles et affectives, que procure l’expérience du retour. Il recommande donc de fonder l’enseignement sur l’approfondissement de cette expérience, pour laquelle les langues étrangères, y compris les langues mortes, jouent un rôle essentiel.
– Mais pourquoi une telle régression identitaire aujourd’hui?
– C’est comme si les gens ne trouvaient pas d’autre moyen de résister à la mondialisation. On vit dans un monde très ouvert, mais c’est une fausse ouverture car notre perception de l’ailleurs passe généralement par un filtre unique: celui du «globish», cette langue de service, dénuée de toute dimension connotative, qui réduit à la portion congrue notre rapport au réel. L’anglais international ne reflète guère que l’univers des marchan­dises.
– Vous êtes contre toute idée de langue unique?
– Oui. La nostalgie d’un paradis pré-babélique est très régressive. Le principe de vie, c’est la différenciation: vive la prolifération des langues!
– Le plurilinguisme n’est-il pas le privilège d’une élite?
– C’est un privilège auquel tout le monde a droit. Sous prétexte de démocratisation, l’école d’aujourd’hui abaisse son niveau d’exigence et, ce faisant, creuse l’écart social. Elle n’a aucune excuse pour ne pas jouer son rôle, qui est d’arracher les enfants au monolinguisme infantile afin de leur donner accès à d’autres univers mentaux.
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https://www.letemps.ch/culture/2012/09/24/voila-lallemand-met-verbe-fin

Colourful language: colours in international idioms

Although we have a plethora of words in our vocabularies to describe colour, it’s unlikely that we each perceive colour in the same way. What if your red is actually my blue, or my yellow is your green? We may never know if a Parisian’s rouge is identical to a Varsovian’sczerwony, but we can at least explore the use of colour in language; if we take a walk through the colour spectrum, how much do we really have in common?


Seeing red?

Crimson hues signify a variety of strong emotions, from love to embarrassment to anger. English speakers aren’t the only ones seeing red; in France you might be rouge de colère(‘red with anger’), while in Romania you could find yourself a vedea roșu în fața ochilor(literally: ‘seeing red in front of your eyes’). Red is also associated with anger in German, but if your blood is really boiling then you’re positively prismatic: a hopping-mad Berliner might sich grün und blau ärgern (‘argue oneself blue and green’).
If you’ve ever discovered that you’re in the red before the end of the month (and presumably felt a tad annoyed about it), rest assured that you aren’t alone: ItalianSpanish and Portuguese are just a handful of the languages that use a similar phrase to describe a negative bank balance. Meanwhile, you can tell your Dutch friends that you’re broke with the phrase geen rode cent meer habben (‘to not have a red cent’). You might also hear the phrase red cent in American English – a reference to the copper colour of a one-cent coin.

Flowing orange

Football fans could associate orange with the Dutch, while for Ukrainians a certain colour revolution might spring to mind. In Vietnamese, blood can flow orange: sự chảy máu cam(cam means ‘orange’) is ‘to have a nosebleed’.
But what about the humble orange, the most orange of them all? In English, the colour comes from the name of the fruit, rather than the other way around: orange itself entered English via Persian, Arabic, and Old French and its use to denote colour was first recorded in 1557, according to current Oxford English Dictionary (OED) research.

Yellow: not just for scaredy cats

As you might have learned from the movies, a lily-livered yellow-belly wouldn’t have the temerity to survive long in the Wild West. But does the colour of the sun always have to mean cowardice? In Buddhism, yellow has far more positive connotations: it is above all a symbol of humility and renunciation, and thus the colour of monks’ robes. We can’t all have the patience and virtue of a Buddhist monk, however: some German speakers associate yellow with envy (gelb vor Neid is used as well as grün vor Neid). In French, those who ‘laugh yellow’ (rire jaune, meaning ‘give a forced laugh’) are certainly not the calmest – or jolliest – of fellows.  .

It ain’t easy (being green)

Think of green, and money often springs to mind – swiftly followed by jealousy. Unsurprisingly, green also crops up in expressions related to plants and produce: eat your greens!Being green involves turning the lights off when you leave the room, sorting your waste, and buying local; in French, someone with horticultural talents has la main verte (‘a green hand’), whereas in German you might want to buy your organic tomatoes from someone with ein grünen Daumen (‘a green thumb’). Verdant shades are associated with immaturity: in Italian, youth is the ‘green age’ (verde età), while in German the inexperienced are ‘green behind the ears’ (noch grün hinter den Ohren sein). In Spanish, something odd is deemed to be ‘stranger than a green dog’ (mas raro que un perro verde) – which is really rather strange indeed.

Blue (and indigo too)

Both Russian and Italian children learn blue as two linguistic categories: Синий (siniy) andголубой (goluboi) in the former, and blu and azzurro in the latter. Blue is a privileged hue: someone with an aristocratic background is said to be blue-blooded in English, and Italian damsels-in-distress await their ‘blue prince’ (il principe azzurro), or Prince Charming. But blue isn’t just for noble blood and noble deeds: we all know what goes on in a blue film, and in German any wrongdoers who ‘get off with a blue eye’ (mit einen blauen Augedavonkommen) do not receive just punishment for their actions.

Violent violet

Our final rainbow colour – and its many shades – is often associated with bruises: in Spanish, you might get a ‘purple eye’ (un ojo morado) rather than a black eye as a result of a broken nose. In Vietnamese, ‘purple’ (tím) is also used to mean ‘bruise’ (similar to the French word for a bruise, un bleu; literally ‘a blue’). Violet certainly isn’t the most peaceful of colours: natives of Holland have been known to ‘turn purple with rage’ (paars aanlopen van woede), as have Portuguese speakers (ficar roxo de raiva). If you’re learning Russian, though, you needn’t concern yourself with all this pain and suffering: мне фиолетово (mne fioletovo, literally ‘it’s violet to me’) simply means ‘I don’t care.’
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http://blog.oxforddictionaries.com/2014/09/colourful-language-colours-international-idioms/

The Magic Number is EUR 0.15: Translator Rate Survey Released in Germany

Germany’s Federal Association of Interpreters and Translators [Bundesverband der Dolmetscher und Übersetzer e.V. (BDÜ)] published the fifth edition of its rate survey in January 2016. The survey is based on pricing information collected from almost 1,100 translators and interpreters and covers 35 language pairs.
According to André Lindemann, association president, the survey is meant to provide guidance to new translators and inexperienced buyers in this “fragmented and often opaque market,” but should also be of value to many other market participants. The authors of the study stress, however, that the survey in no way represents any kind of official pricing guideline by the Association as this would be against Germany’s anti-trust laws.
Germany’s market for translation and interpretation services is still extremely fragmented, per the survey. Pricing pressure continues unabated and, according to feedback the association received from translators and interpreters, has actually increased in recent years. The survey was conducted in August and September 2015 and asked for 2014 pricing data from participants.
Slator has reviewed the 60-plus-page German-language survey and highlights some of the key points. The survey presents detailed pricing tables segmented according to a number of variables, such as client group, pricing metric (lowest, highest, most frequently mentioned), and pricing standard (per word, line, hour, day, etc.). In terms of client groups, the survey asked for the rates charged to direct clients in government departments, colleagues, private clients, and direct clients in the private sector.
The rates listed below are based on those given for the category “direct clients in the private sector,” which typically received the most number of responses. For a number of language combinations the survey only collected data on “per line” pricing, which is still very common in Germany and Switzerland.
However, Slator decided to focus only on the combinations where a price-per-word was available.
As a result, the summary below does not represent the full set of data collected by the BDÜ but still provides a useful snapshot of market conditions for German-based freelance linguists.
The following rates are based on what the survey calls the “median price,” (i.e., the figure in the middle of a range of rates arranged from lowest to highest), which cancels out extremes at both ends. All prices are in EUR.
German -English0.16                  English – German0.15
German – French0.16French – German0.15
German – Greek0.18Italian – German0.15
German – Italian0.15Dutch – German0.15
English – French0.15Spanish – German0.14

In addition, the survey also asked how Translation Memory matches are discounted. Again, Slator is using the median values.
Repetitions70% discount
100% matches70% discount
95-99% matches50% discount
85-94% matches40% discount
75-84% matches20% discount
50-74% matchesNo discount
No MatchNo discount

Furthermore, the survey included a list of hourly rates (in EUR) charged for proofreading services.
German50
English50
French45
Italian45
Russian50
Spanish50

Finally, the survey asked for interpretation rates. The rates below are full-day rates in EUR.
ConsecutiveSimultaneous (Conference)
German ↔ English710750
German ↔ French625727.50
German ↔ Italian600750
German ↔ Japanese700N/A
German ↔ Polish600725
German ↔ Russian640725
German ↔ Spanish625750

Overall, the pricing for both translation and interpretation services shows a remarkable consistency across language combinations. For translation services the magic number seems to be around EUR 0.15—still a fairly solid price point considering that many global agencies now offer end-clients a lower price while still promising all the QA bells and whistles.
Despite the buzz around machine translation post-editing, the survey did not collect data on post-editing services, which will doubtless be increasingly common going forward.
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http://slator.com/industry-news/the-magic-number-is-eur-0-15-translator-rate-survey-released-in-germany/

Does speaking German change how I see social relationships?

LAST week’s column was about the languages that have both formal and informal pronouns for you. It seems that, at least in the European languages, the informal pronouns are ascendant.
But they are a far from gone, and their persistence brings to mind another topic. That is the idea that languages shape thought in profound ways, a topic that Johnson has looked atbefore. In some languages, literally every time you say you, you have to express how you see the relationship between you and the other person. Is that person a friend, family member or child? Or, rather, a colleague, boss, old person, telemarketer or simply someone you don’t feel close to? The word depends on the relationship. 
So do these languages force their speakers to pay more attention to social relationships? The idea is popular, but controversial among linguists and psychologists.
One argument for the language-shapes-thought hypothesis is that while languages may not constrict thought, they may nudge or steer it. Roman Jakobson, a linguist, once said that “Languages differ essentially in what they must convey and not in what they may convey.” How do two-pronoun systems play into this? In German, I must choose du or Sie every time I address someone. According to the logic of language shaping thought, I should therefore be more aware of social relations when I speak German. But in reality, I have found the need to use a certain form of "you" a boring chore—tricky and a bit tedious. Trying to figure out the best way to address people is more of a speed bump than a new way of seeing the world.
A believer in the language-shapes-thought idea might argue that speaking German doesn't push me to always be more conscious of social relationships because I'm a non-native speaker, and so I haven't developed the habits of mind of lifelong German speakers. But plenty of native speakers of two-pronoun languages find this system irksome and awkward, just as I do. Native ability in French does not allow one to immediately sort all the world’s people neatly into tu and vous. Marginal cases abound. A new coworker your age? The next-door neighbour you are meeting for the first time, but whom you will soon be asking for a cup of sugar? A stranger at a bar? Certain older relatives? Native-speakers of double-"you" languages report many such situations. And they differ quite a lot internally on how much attention they pay to formality—as do English-speakers, despite the lack of two pronouns.
In other words, in a strong version of the language-shapes-thought hypothesis, every German should always have an immediate instinct regarding who is du and who is Sie. But they don’t. They may care which pronoun to use, but they often struggle (and are aware of the struggling), because the language forces this binary distinction on the nebulous relationships of the real world.
But there is another way in which the double-"you" distinction may nudge thought. It refers to what Dan Slobin, a linguist, has called “thinking for speaking”. Speakers of different languages may well see the world similarly most of the time, but when people are specifically planning to say something, different languages may temporarily force speakers to pay more attention to certain distinctions. For example, every time a German person says “you”, a little attention must be paid to formality. So split pronouns (or other features) may act as a kind of "prime" for certain thoughts or behaviours. Primes can be powerful. Every time I refer to my boss, for example, the formal "you" may prime me to be more aware of the formality and hierarchy of our relationship. So too when I must address an old friend.
But such priming is transient. A bigger question is whether differences between languages persist when people are not "thinking for speaking"—ie, whether they condition something we might call a robust worldview. When silently strolling down country lane, do speakers of different languages think in profoundly different ways? The popular view is “yes”, but furious debate among researchers continues.
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How Do You Say ‘Blog’ in German?

Germans owe the English language a debt of gratitude. If English didn’t lend us one or two little words every once in a while, we would probably call blogs “digitale Netztagebücher” and apps “Anwendungen für mobile Endgeräte.” Even for German speakers, those don’t exactly roll off the tongue.

Such linguistic borrowing has been increasing, as technology both creates its own new words and facilitates the global spread of newfangled cultural terminology. Recently the editors of the Duden dictionary, the German equivalent of the Oxford English Dictionary, added 5,000 new words to its 26th edition, many of them English or of English origin, including “digital native” and “flashmob.”

The Duden has been around since 1880, and this isn’t the first time English words have been added. But the new edition has caused an uproar among linguistic conservatives. After the additions were announced, the German Language Society, an unofficial organization that has tasked itself with protecting the German language, voted the editors of the Duden the “language adulterers of the year,” accusing them of legitimizing the demise of German.
Most Germans are more liberal in their linguistic views and generally agree that the idea of protecting a country’s language is as megalomaniacal as it is futile.
It certainly doesn’t represent the view of the majority of my generation, the 20- and 30-somethings, who generally have a relaxed relationship with both languages. Our parents associated German music with Nazi propaganda and opted for Springsteen-only musical diets, but we embrace the renaissance of German pop and rap lyrics. At the same time, we see no harm in integrating English words into our language.
But the society’s stance has nevertheless touched a chord across German society, particularly among people you might call anti-cosmopolitans: those who feel unable to keep up with an internationalization they feel is being imposed on them.
That the reaction should come now, in a rapidly homogenizing Europe, is unsurprising. The feeling of speaking increasingly marginalized languages is vivid in many parts of Europe, even in countries with large populations of native speakers like France and Germany.
Of course, the motives for defending one’s language differ from country to country. In France, it is part of a quest to bolster the country’s self-perception as a still-functioning colonial power. It is government policy that radio stations must play a certain minimumamount of French music.
In Germany, the driving force comes from the opposite direction. Refusing to accept the internationalization of the German language is a way of rejecting internationalization as a phenomenon. It is a nativist attempt to stand up to globalization.
Walter Krämer, the president of the society, articulated this point of view when he lambasted the Duden for including Anglicisms commonly used by “braggers” — what in previous generations might have been called yuppies. There is some truth in that. The frequent use of English words has become a status symbol, not unlike a pair of pearl earrings or shopping at Whole Foods, a way of showing off your education. A way of saying that your world is bigger than that medium-size country in the middle of Europe that doesn’t even have the guts to support military action in Libya or Syria.
In Germany as in America, it is easy to make fun of such people. But as the German sociologist Ulrich Beck noted recently, cosmopolitanism is a reality, not a willfully chosen identity. There are those who will continue to embrace it and those who will see it as a threat, but it can’t be turned back, even if one insists, as the German Language Society does, on calling a laptop a “Klapprechner.”
As any English speaker fond of the term “schadenfreude” knows, German has its own share of wonderful, untranslatable words. One of those, “Zeitgenossen,” is particularly apt for the moment. If you look it up in a German-English dictionary, you will find that it means “contemporaries,” those who happen to live in the same day and age. But it means more than that. The German word “Genosse,” meaning “comrade” or “associate,” also implies a mutual responsibility.
Thus “Zeitgenossen” share a responsibility toward one another as well as toward the age they live in. It is an attitude that sees languages as complementary, not competitive, and sees the world as a continuum of cultures, rather than a set of distinct borders. It is an attitude I wish more of my fellow Germans would adopt.
Again, English, thanks for “digital natives.” In return, you can have “Zeitgenossen.” It’s yours. Take it. It is a wonderful linguistic paradox that one of the nations that currently struggle with the idea of cosmopolitanism should be able to express it best.
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Anna Sauerbrey is an editor for the opinion page of the daily German newspaper Der Tagesspiegel.

Germany's Duden dictionary importing too many English words

Germany's respected Duden dictionary, regarded as a custodian of the language, has been criticised for contributing to the decline of German by importing too many English words.


The Verein Deutsche Sprache, a society which exists to promote the language, accused the dictionary of permitting "linguistic posturing to bask in the glow of semi-official approval."
Awarding it the 'Sprachpanscher' - 'adulterator of the language' – award, Walte
r Krämer, the society's chairman, said: "Whoever suggests the ridiculous and phoney Anglicism soccer as a replacement for Fussball richly deserves this [award]."
Mr Krämer complained that the dictionary should prefer the German words Klapprechner and Netzhandel to the English words 'laptop' and 'e-business'.
The publishers of the dictionary, which added the words 's---storm' and flashmob' this year, said: "We don't make the language, we depict it objectively."
The language society gave second prize to Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany's finance minister, criticising his preference for speaking English rather than going through interpreters at international summits. The society said this set back efforts to establish German as a working language of the EU.
The stated aim of the award, which has been given since 1998, is to turn back the tide of Anglicisms and protect German as a language of culture and science.
Earlier this year, Germany's rail operator Deutsche Bahn issued guidance to staff to roll back the use of hybrid German-English words, sometimes known as Denglisch. It suggested that English coinages like "Flyern" – leaflets or flyers – should be replaced by the correct German words, in this case, Handzetteln.
German has become increasingly crowded with borrowed English words, some of them used in ways that are unfamiliar to native English speakers – such as 'Handy' for mobile phone or 'Showmaster' for a TV presenter.